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Issue 4, September 2004
The Psychology of Time
Tiffany-Rose Sikorski, Science Journalist
Astronomy and Physics, Boston University
sikorski@jyi.org
Anyone
who has sat through a boring meeting knows that five minutes can
seem like an hour. Yet, time can seem to fly by when you are working
hard on a project for a deadline. These two experiences are both
related to psychological time measurements, which researchers have
studied since the beginning of experimental psychology. Over time,
scientists have shown that internal time-keeping is far from absolute.
Timing, the Brain, and Fighter Pilots
Since the early 1800s, psychologists have been testing how humans
interpret time. Experiments dealing with duration, or length, attempt
to explain the old adage, “Time flies when you’re having
fun.” In these duration experiments, scientists ask participants
to estimate the amount of time they spend completing an activity.
The scientists change different aspects of the activity, such as
difficulty and length, and look for correspondence between variable
aspects and the time estimates of the participants.
Many modern experiments rely on the theory that the cerebral cortex
is the part of the brain responsible for keeping track of time.
In these experiments, the difficulty level of the activities is
changed to require greater use of the cerebral cortex. Hypothetically,
as the difficulty increases, less brain power can be used to keep
track of time, and time estimates should be small.
In fact, research has shown that people with damaged cerebral cortexes
have difficulty keeping track of time.
“There is some evidence that patients with lesions of the
cerebral cortex can have deficits in timing, which often express
themselves as language deficits,” says David Eagleman, Professor
of Neuroscience at the University of Texas at Austin. “In
children, cortical timing problems can actually lead to learning
disabilities.”
On the other hand, some people are better able to keep track of
time, which may correspond to enhanced use of the cerebral cortex.
“Some related studies on the ability to keep track of many
moving objects at the same time show that, for example, NBA basketball
players and Israeli jet fighter pilots are much better than normal
people,” said Eagelman. Whether the enhanced time-keeping
ability is genetic or learned is unknown.
Prospective vs. Retrospective
Don’t
think about giraffes.
If
you are now thinking about giraffes, then you are illustrating one
of the difficulties of the cerebral cortex-based experiments. If
participants are told ahead of time that they are going to make
time estimates, then these participants may think about time, and
thus use more of the cerebral cortex for time-keeping than they
otherwise would. To deal with this problem, psychologists have differentiated
between two kinds of time estimates, prospective and retrospective.
In prospective time estimates, participants know ahead of time that
they are going to be asked to estimate time.
In retrospective time estimates, participants do not know that they
will be asked to estimate time at the end of the activity.
The
Results
In 1990, William
Friedman published a review of 70 time experiments, including a
list of phenomena that occur during duration time estimates. The
first of the Friedman phenomena is that people underestimate time
while completing attention-demanding tasks. Most experimental research
shows that this phenomenon occurs because people’s attention
is diverted from time-keeping when they are engaged in challenging
activities. While time may fly when you are having fun, Friedman
also points out that time slows down during periods of high expectation,
nervousness, fear, or anticipation.
Friedman also states that time goes by quicker as you age. Researchers
have shown that the relationship between age and time perception
is logarithmic, meaning that people measure time relative to their
age.
Even memory can affect how you perceive time. Friedman states that
a time period seems longer if remembered in detail, and shorter
if remembered only in outline. Similarly, many events during a time
period lead to overestimates of duration. Friedman explains these
phenomena with people’s tendency to assume that it takes longer
for many events to occur than for a few to occur.
Friedman acknowledged that some of these phenomena have more experimental
support than others.
In a recent study, University of Alberta scientists Anthony Chaston
and Alan Kingstone showed that time flies for people whose attention
is actively engaged, supporting the first Friedman phenomena.
In the Chaston-Kingstone experiment, groups of participants searched
through various images looking for certain objects, referred to
as a “Where’s Waldo” type activity. These searches
are called “conjunction searches” because they utilize
the cerebral cortex.
The two researchers found that even in prospective time measurements,
people increasingly underestimate time as the difficulty of the
activity increases. In other words, time flies when you’re
busy.
Chaston and Kingstone’s findings are important because of
society’s focus on time. As Richard A. Block and Dan Zakay
explain, “A person must encode temporal properties of important
events…For example, driving a car requires a person to estimate
durations in order to engage in appropriate actions at a correct
time.”
Also importantly, Chaston and Kingstone’s results show that
even when someone knows ahead of time they are going to estimate
duration, time still flies while completing more difficult tasks.
In a recent press release, Chaston stated, “The results were
super clean.” “We have created a new and powerful paradigm
to get at the link between time and attention.”
Further Reading
Friedman,
William. About Time. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990.
Erlbaum, Lawrence. Cognitive Models of Psychological Time.
Richard A. Block, ed. Hillsade: 1990.
Block,
RA and Zakay, D. (1994). Prospective and retrospective duration
judgements: A meta-analytic review. Psychonomic Bulletin &
Review, 4 (2), 184-197.
Chaston,
A and Kingstone, A. (2004). Time estimation: The effect of cortically
mediated attention. Brain and Cognition, 55,
286-289.
Journal
of Young Investigators. 2004. Volume Eleven.
Copyright © 2004 by Tiffany-Rose Sikorski and JYI. All rights
reserved.
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