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Issue 3, March 2004
REVIEW: Psychological & Social Sciences
Factors of Emotion Recognition in Faces: Three Perspectives
Jeremy Fox
Johns Hopkins University
Discuss this article!
Abstract
What is it about a face that tells us whether a person is happy,
sad, or angry? While most of us have not thought about these factors,
the same cannot be said about the many researchers who have developed
the field of emotion recognition in facial expressions and its three
perspectives. The behavioral perspective traces the path of emotion
recognition early in life and its controlling factors, including
person-familiarity and parental abuse. The brain is at the center
of the biological perspective, as fMRI and lesion studies have revealed
specific neural structures used to discriminate emotions. Finally,
the cognitive perspective debates the presence of situational and
social influences, as well as whether certain parts of the face
are more vital to recognizing emotions. This review will investigate
recent studies that have provided major contributions to these three
perspectives.
Introduction
The ability to read someone is taken for granted everyday.
When we communicate with one another, we generally watch each other’s
facial responses in order to form our own reactions. However, what
about the face allows us to read the other person? How do we connect
what we see in the face to the actual reading (Figure 1)?
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| Figure
1. The facial expressions of the expert on facial
expressions, Paul Ekman, Ph.D.
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Recognition of emotional expressions in faces is a complex problem
with no simple answer. While it may appear that understanding emotions
is an instinct from the beginning of life, there are many individuals
without this ability. Discoveries of specific structures in the
brain shed new light on what triggers this skill. Finally, there
are components of the face that draw our focus when understanding
the emotion present, even if we are not consciously aware of them.
These examples form the three perspectives on the triggers of emotion
recognition in faces. This review focuses on many of the recent
studies that have helped paint a clearer picture of these perspectives.
Behavioral Perspective
Familiarity
and Early Development
Because humans begin to perceive emotions in faces at a young age,
it is crucial to study infants to learn what triggers this early
development. One factor that may motivate infants to recognize emotions
is the familiarity of a face. A study by Kahana-Kalman and Walker-Andrews
(2001) involved the testing of the “looking preferences”
of infants as young as 3.5 months. Infants looked the longest and
were most excited when watching video recordings of their mothers
displaying positive affect (through facial and vocal expression),
rather than an unfamiliar person displaying similar emotion (p
< 0.01). When both mothers and unfamiliar individuals displayed
negative affect, the infants looked significantly longer at their
mothers; however, they looked longer at their mothers when positive
affect was displayed rather than negative affect (p <
0.05). This indicates a discrimination of emotions based on person
familiarity. The same effect was not produced when other emotions
(fear, surprise, etc.) were demonstrated for the infants. The researchers
concluded that infants are sensitive to contextual information (in
this case, person familiarity) that potentially facilitates meaning
of emotional expressions in others. Based on the young age of the
participants, this sensitivity to person familiarity appears to
occur in the early stages of development.
It has been shown that infants are more sensitive to the emotional
expressions of their mothers than those of unfamiliar individuals.
But is this sensitivity to their mothers’ expressions based
on an inherent bond or the considerable time a mother spends caring
for her infant? In addition, do fathers elicit a similar level of
emotional understanding from their infants? A study conducted by
Montague and Walker-Andrews (2002) attempted to assess the role
of parental involvement in relation to person familiarity on the
ability of infants to recognize emotion in faces. After videotaping
parental facial and vocal expressions (happy, sad, angry) and obtaining
measures of parent-infant involvement (through the Child-Care Activity
Questionnaire to designate percentage of time each parent performed
any of 18 caregiver activities with their baby), the experimenters
presented the taped expressions to 32 infants. They alternately
viewed the tapes of their mothers and fathers, as well as those
of an unfamiliar man and woman. Infants looked significantly longer
at the happy expressions than at the sad ones (p < 0.001),
validating previous studies. More importantly, they looked significantly
longer at the expressions of their mothers than those of their fathers
and the unfamiliar individuals. However, only trends toward a positive
correlation were found when examining the parent-involvement scores.
The authors suggested that infants first become attuned to the facial
expressions of their primary caregivers, which, in most cases, appears
to be the mothers. Nevertheless, infants of the most highly involved
fathers (those who share more than 50% of the care giving and play
activities) displayed the long length of looking that closely resembled
the preferred pattern for mothers’ expressions. Therefore,
amount of time caring for the infant seems to be the most important
factor.
Child
development, including to the ability to recognize emotional expressions,
can be fast in the first year of life. A study by Caron et al.
(1988) sought to determine the age at which infants learn to discriminate
dynamic emotions (e.g., angry, surprised). Groups of infants
four-, five-, and seven-months old were tested on some or all of
five conditions involving two different emotions (displayed by two
different women consecutively) with or without voice accompaniment.
By measuring fixation times following habituation to one expression,
the experimenters found an interesting hierarchy for the three groups.
The four-month-olds were only able to recover to happy expressions
following habituation to sad expressions, but not vice versa. However,
in the same experiment (featuring voice), the five-month-olds were
able to recover following habituation in both directions. A follow-up
experiment showed that the five-month-olds readily recovered to
happy expressions following habituation to sad ones in the absence
of vocal accompaniment. While this suggests that voice plays less
of a role in discriminating happy and sad faces, testing four-month-olds
without voice would have provided a more convincing conclusion.
In general, however, these two experiments suggest that an infant
cannot discriminate naturalistic expressions of happiness and sadness
until five months of age.
In
addition, another experiment utilizing the same stimuli (with voice)
showed that the seven-month-olds performed at the same level as,
or better than, the other groups, and were even able to discriminate
between angry and happy and vice versa, unlike the five-month-olds
(p < 0.05 for age times trials interaction; four-month-olds
were not tested on this dimension). However, another follow-up experiment
indicated that they could only achieve this latter finding when
the voices were played (p < 0.005 for a significant
vocalization times trials effect). The experimenters concluded that
infants could distinguish dynamic emotions (including anger) as
early as seven months of age. Furthermore, they contended that infants
rely more on voice than facial expression when perceiving dynamic
emotions. Because of this fact, more significant findings on emotion
recognition in facial expressions should be found in an older population
of adolescents and adults, when more exposure to faces is inevitable.
Early
Experience & Abuse
Because
familiarity plays a major role in the emotion recognition ability
of infants, early-life experiences may be of similar importance.
The effects of atypical experiences, specifically physical abuse
and improper parental care, may shed light on the level of importance.
In one attempt to uncover these effects, Pollak et al.
(2000) conducted two experiments to examine the emotion recognition
abilities of physically abused, neglected, and normal children,
all of whom were relatively young, three to five years old. In the
first experiment, the children were asked to match facial expressions
to emotional situations. Neglected children (those found to have
caregivers who failed to meet their minimum needs) had more difficulty
discriminating facial expressions (51% accuracy) than physically
abused (59% accuracy) and control children (66% accuracy). In addition,
the first experiment revealed two response biases: neglected children
were significantly more likely to select the sad expressions (p
< 0.01) compared to the other groups, and physically abused children
were significantly more likely to choose the angry faces (p
< 0.05).
The
second experiment conducted by Pollak et al. (2000) asked the children
to rate the similarity of expressions. Neglected children perceived
less distinction between angry, sad, and fearful faces than did
controls (e.g., angry-sad, p < 0.01; angry-fearful,
p < 0.001). The neglected children’s difficulty in
discriminating emotions may relate to their lack of exposure to
a variety of emotions. Combining this with the abused children’s
response bias for anger suggests that the extent of experience children
have with the world is associated with their understanding of emotional
expressions.
The response
bias for angry expressions in the previous study led Pollak and
Sinha (2002) to have physically abused children complete an identification
task for facial emotions. Compared to normally developing children,
the abused participants were equally accurate in identifying displays
of all but one emotion: anger, which they over-identified (as opposed
to the tendency of normal children to under-identify). This suggests
that physically abused children have facilitated access to facial
representations of anger, a plausible idea based on their hostile
experiences early in life.
Aggression
In
the Pollak and Sinha (2002) study, the maltreated children were
observed as being more aggressive and hostile than the control children.
Does a similar correlation between aggression and faulty emotion
perception exist in adults? A study by Walz and Benson (1996) assessed
the ability of men with mild to moderate mental retardation to label
and discriminate facial emotions. In this case, the sample was split
into two sub-groups: aggressive and non-aggressive, based on clinical
observations. Although the results showed no differences in emotion
recognition between the two sub-groups, the aggressive participants
saw significantly more of the ambiguous expressions in a negative
light; they labeled and recognized many as sad (mean number of errors
for aggressive and non-aggressive at 1.89 and 1.09, respectively)
or anger (mean number of errors for aggressive and non-aggressive
at 2.06 and 1.09, respectively).
Another study (Larkin et al. 2002) took this finding a
step further. Patients with clinical diagnoses of clinical hostility
were given emotion recognition and labeling tasks. As with the previous
example (Walz and Benson 1996), they mislabeled emotions to a more
negative degree than did controls. For instance, significantly labeling
happy as neutral (p < .03) and disgust as anger (p
< .03) was common. The clinically hostile patients had a significantly
higher number of errors than controls when recognizing happiness
(p < .02) and disgust (p < .02). Because
clinical hostility may be more severe than simple aggression,
it is possible that the degree of aggression is associated with
the ability to recognize emotions in faces. Further studies are
needed to fully investigate this matter.
The factor of aggression may have a biological side too. One study
(Best et al. 2002) involved patients diagnosed with Intermittent
Explosive Disorder (IED). These IED patients were characterized
by intense impulsive aggressive behavior. The researchers based
their hypothesis on a case study (Blair and Cipolotti 2000) in which
a patient with an orbital frontal lesion showed both impulsive aggression
and a deficit in the recognition of anger and disgust. To investigate
the relationship found in the case study in their larger sample,
the experimenters had a sample of IED patients complete tasks that
“putatively reflect functioning of the orbital/medial prefrontal
cortex circuit,” including labeling and recognition tasks
of facial emotion recognition. The IED sample was impaired (when
compared with controls) at recognizing emotions of anger, disgust,
and surprise (all at p <.025; see Figure 2). Additionally,
they were biased to label disgusted faces with anger and neutral
faces with disgust (p < .025) and fear (p <
.05) when compared to the control group. The control group, on the
other hand, was biased to label neutral faces with positive emotions,
including happy (p < .05) and surprised (p
< .1). These results would seem to present an initial connection
between aggression, brain dysfunction, and emotion recognition.
This provides a good transition to the biological perspective, which
is primarily focused on brain functioning.
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| Figure
2. Subjects with IED made more errors and were biased
to perceive negative facial expressions. On the left, the
number of errors made by each group for four facial expressions
are graphed. Subjects with IED made significantly more errors
for anger, disgust, and surprise. On the right, the number
of times subjects labeled neutral faces with each of the five
expressions is graphed. Subjects with IED were more likely
than controls (Con) to label neutral faces with disgust and
fear. Source: Best M et al. (2002). Evidence
for a dysfunctional prefrontal circuit in patients with an
impulsive aggressive disorder. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 99:8448-8453. |
Biological Perspective
Neural Structures
There are two major methods used to investigate how the functioning
of the brain triggers emotion recognition in faces. The first, Functional
Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), was used in a study by Sprengelmeyer
et al. (1998) to locate neural structures critical to emotion
recognition. The researchers had participants perform a discrimination
task on images of faces expressing disgust, anger, and fear. Use
of the fMRI indicated which structures of the brains of the participants
were activated when they were working on the task. By comparing
this activation to fMRI results of participants discriminating neutral
expressions, the researchers determined which structures were activated
exclusively or had enhanced activity by recognition of specific
emotions. Disgusted facial expressions activated the right putamen
and the left insula cortex, while angry expressions activated
the posterior part of the right gyrus cinguli and the medial
temporal gyrus of the left hemisphere, while fearful expressions
activated the right fusiform gyrus and the left dorsolateral
frontal cortex. More importantly, all three emotions activated the
inferior part of the left frontal cortex. This suggests that while
recognition of disgust, fear, and anger (and emotions in general)
is based on separate systems, the output of these neural systems
converges on the left frontal cortex for further (possibly final)
processing.
Clinical
Findings
Most physiological research concerning emotion recognition is based
on clinical findings. Lesion studies have been crucial in eliminating
and locating possible structures that control emotion recognition
of faces. One study (Adolphs et al. 1996) asked 37 patients
with damage to various parts of the brain to complete an emotion
recognition task in faces. While all patients performed normally
when the faces expressed happiness, there were significant deficits
for recognition of negative emotions when compared to control subjects.
The patients with these deficits were significantly more likely
to have damage to the visual and somatosensory cortical sectors
in the right hemisphere of the brain. Interestingly, patients with
damage exclusive to the left hemisphere showed normal emotion recognition.
The preliminary suggestion by the experimenters that the right hemisphere
is the control center for emotion recognition is in direct conflict
with the Sprengelmeyer et al. (1998) study that showed
the left hemisphere to be important.
Adolphs
et al. (2000) tried to examine this discrepancy further.
Patients with lesions to either the right or left brain hemispheres
participated in emotion recognition and identification tasks. Results
revealed that right somatosensory-related cortices function together
with the amygdala and the right visual cortices in retrieving emotions
from faces. While lesions of the right somatosensory-related cortices
were associated with impaired recognition for every individual emotion
tested, impaired recognition of fear was also specifically and significantly
associated with damage to the right anterior temporal lobe (p
= 0.036). This study does not eliminate the role of the left hemisphere,
however, since lesions to the left (and right) frontal operculum
were associated with low performance scores on the emotion recognition
task (p = 0.094). Nevertheless, the presence of an association
between the frontal operculum (left and right), the low scores on
a facial emotion naming task (p < 0.05), and the lack
of an association on an emotion sorting task suggests that the frontal
operculum may play a bigger role in lexical processing (language)
than in the retrieval of conceptual (emotion-related but independent
of language) knowledge.
Studies utilizing patients with more specific brain disorders have
contributed as well. Parkinson’s Disease (PD) is essentially
caused by damage to the basal ganglia. One study (Kan et al.
2002) examined the emotion recognition abilities of PD patients.
They completed three discrimination tasks of emotion recognition:
in faces, in voices, and in written words. Interestingly, the PD
patients were found to have no problems on the voice and word tasks
(when compared with controls), but significant deficits on the emotion
recognition in faces discrimination task, specifically for fear
(p < 0.01) and disgust (p < 0.05). The researchers
concluded that the basal ganglia might play a key role in triggering
recognition of emotional expressions in faces.
Epilepsy patients have also provided valuable insight. In one study
(Meletti et al. 2003), patients suffering from temporal
lobe epilepsy (right MTS type) participated in matching tasks for
both faces and emotional expressions in faces. The epilepsy patients
had significant deficits for matching the emotional expressions
(especially fear: p < 0.001) compared to controls, but
were normal when matching faces. These results indicate the importance
of the antero-medial temporal lobe, particularly the amygdala, in
emotion recognition in facial expressions. Perhaps most intriguing
is the finding that the earlier the onset, the higher degree of
emotion recognition impairment (p < 0.01). Future studies in
this area could possibly pinpoint the ages at which seizures have
their most profound effect on emotion recognition development.
A study
by Boucsein et al. (2001) substantiated the above findings
by testing patients with varying degrees of damage to the amygdala
caused by lesions. The level of amygdala damage was found to be
associated with the severity of the deficit of perception of emotional
expressions (p < 0.05). This result is plausible because
the amygdala has been thought to play a key role in emotion processing
(Gur et al. 2002). While most theories have focused specifically
on its role in fear perception (Morris et al. 1996), recent
studies have indicated a broader role for the amygdala, extending
to happy and sad expressions (Yang et al. 2002, 2003).
Interestingly, the side of the lesion did not have an effect on
emotion recognition, further muddling the debate over the dominant
side of the brain in emotion recognition.
Cognitive Perspective
Facial Component
of Focus
The cognitive perspective has rapidly progressed in recent years.
There are two factors within this perspective that are thought to
trigger the perception of emotions: 1) the parts of the face, and
2) the aspects of the situation. This first cognitive factor is
called the facial component of focus, which divides the facial features
into three categories: eyebrows (upper), eyes (middle), and nose
and mouth (lower). One study attempted to discover if the three
components are associated with specific emotions (Sullivan and Kirkpatrick
1996). The experimenters asked 80 female children to select a face
that best represented various emotions depicted in a picture. A
remarkably consistent effect was produced: the children focused
on the lower component (mouth) when selecting the faces expressing
happiness, sadness, surprise, and disgust. Conversely, they focused
on the upper component (eyebrows) when selecting the faces expressing
anger and fear. This supports the hypothesis that certain groups
of facial features are associated with specific emotions.
Following confirmation of the facial component of focus, the components
and corresponding features were then subjected to more in-depth
research. One particular study of the eyebrows (Kirkpatrick et
al. 1996) presented children with recordings of emotions. Then,
the children were asked to select facial expressions for the emotion
expressed in the recordings. The experimenters found that specific
eyebrow densities and positions were associated with each emotional
expression tested. This demonstrates the importance of the eyebrows
in triggering emotion recognition.
The middle component was taken into consideration by researchers
in Japan (Seyama and Nagayama 2002). A sample of 142 adults participated
in a judgment of stimuli task. The stimuli were photographs of happy,
surprised, and neutral faces; in this case, however, the experimenters
replaced the eyes of some of the faces with eyes from the remaining
two faces (for instance, a happy face with neutral eyes, creating
a happy face composite). A consistent effect was found:
82% of the participants judged the happy face composites as having
larger eyes than the surprised face composites, even though the
eyes were the same size. This implies that judgment of the lower
component of the face may tend to affect the perceived size of the
middle component of the face. In addition, it suggests that perceived
eye size may be affected by facial expression.
Principal
Component Analysis
Like the facial component of focus, Principal Component Analysis
(PCA) is a statistical technique that can be used to determine which
groups of facial features elicit perception of individual emotions;
in the case of PCA, this is achieved through the generation of computer
models. Specifically, “PCA is used to identify a relatively
small number of factors that represent the relationships among many
inter-correlated variables” (Calder et al. 2001).
In an initial PCA of facial expressions (which produces “eigenfaces”
from the coefficients of the correlations among the faces), it was
found that configural relationships between facial features play
an important role in emotion recognition (Calder et al.
2000). In a follow-up study Calder et al. (2001) conducted
a series of four experiments by applying pictures of faces to the
PCA system and subsequently asking participants to identify the
expressions on a computer. In one specific experiment, the validity
of the category-based viewpoint was compared to the validity of
the dimensional model. The category-based model theorizes that signals
of a limited number of “basic emotions” are identified
by activating discrete category representations. This contrasts
with the dimensional model, a theory stating that human errors in
recognizing facial expressions are not random, but actually form
consistent and replicable patterns. For example, disgust is sometimes
confused with anger, but never with fear, which is sometimes confused
with surprise, but never with happiness. This pattern can continue
for a long time. Studies have shown that both theories are applicable
to the study of emotion recognition, meaning the debate will live
on.
Calder et al. (2001) also addressed the components that
lead to perception of facial identity (recognizing who a person
is from their face) versus facial emotion. They found dissociation
between identity and emotion when testing participants on the PCA
models, indicating the use of different facial components in discriminating
facial identity and facial emotion. For example, shape cues (eye
width, jaw drop, etc.; see Figure 3) may be relatively more important
than texture cues (wrinkles, shadows, etc.) in categorizing facial
expressions, whereas the opposite is true in categorizing facial
identity. The researchers suggested that the dissociation is due
to different brain structures processing the visuo-structural properties
of these two facial characteristics. They proposed that the lasting
properties of a face needed to code facial identity are processed
by the fusiform gyrus, whereas changeable aspects of a face (e.g.,
facial expressions) are processed by the superior temporal sulcus.
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| Figure
3. Sequences of reconstructed images for each of
two eigenfaces important for categorizing facial expression.
Source: Calder AJ et al. (2001). A principal
component analysis of facial expressions. Vision Research.
41:1179-1208. |
Situational Influences
The final factor affecting emotion recognition in faces is the basic
situational influence. A study by Fernandez-Dols et al.
(2002) asked adult participants whether an emotional facial expression
was more plausibly associated with a social situation (two or more
people communicating) or a non-social situation (one person communicating
the same degree of emotion as in the social situation). They found
a significant tendency for the participants to choose the social
situation for every emotion (positive or negative). This suggests
that social and situational influences may be triggers to perceiving
emotions in facial expressions.
Discussion
Based on the
three perspectives, it is likely that an interaction of several
factors leads to the ability to recognize emotional expressions
in faces. It is clear that humans are able to recognize emotions
at only a few months of age. Although mothers seem to have a special
place in their infants’ emotion-recognition abilities, fathers
who go the extra mile are not far behind. In addition, it may be
intriguing to examine the possible associations between familiarity
in relation to specific parenting roles (e.g., biological
vs. non-biological parents, grandparents, etc.) and the emotion
recognition abilities of children. While familiarity helps infants
to better understand emotional expressions, it remains unclear whether
there is an instinct (or how strong it is, if there is one) from
the beginning of life. By studying adolescents and adults with histories
of physical abuse or aggression, it has been shown that this ability
can malfunction under certain conditions.
There certainly appears to be some direct natural contribution,
as biological research has highlighted specific areas in the brain
responsible for emotion recognition in faces. The right side of
the brain may be more dominant in recognizing facial expressions,
particularly the right somatosensory-related cortices, the basal
ganglia, and the amygdala. Examining the emotion recognition ability
of patients with disorders linked to damage of neural structures
associated with impaired emotion recognition (for example, Tourette’s
Syndrome, the basal ganglia or anxiety disorders, and the amygdala)
will be essential for future research.
Finally,
a combination of features to search for when trying to understand
the emotions of others has been established. The specific features
of the face and the social situation involved should be explored
to determine what really triggers emotion recognition. If particular
facial features or situations that best convey our feelings are
pinpointed, behavioral techniques could then be developed to teach
patients with deficits of emotion recognition.
As
a diverse field with several perspectives, emotion recognition in
facial expressions has been assessed through a variety of stimuli
and methods. While many studies present pictures of faces to participants,
others utilize recorded scenes on video of actors expressing emotions
(both visibly and vocally). Although many different tasks have been
used in these studies (discriminating, matching, looking, naming,
sorting, etc.), they all measure the same basic construct: emotion
recognition. Until one approach emerges as the established choice
among researchers, the different methods will continue to be assessed
very carefully.
Research on emotion recognition in faces has several exciting paths
to follow, as seen by the questions left by the three perspectives.
As it stands, the behavioral, biological, and cognitive views each
play key parts in the motivation behind facial expression recognition.
The future may not decide which perspective is most important, but
it will hopefully define their roles further. As it continues, however,
we will still do our best to read each other in every conversation,
even if we cannot fully admit what we are looking for.
Discuss this article!
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Journal of Young
Investigators. 2004. Volume Ten.
Copyright © 2004 by Jeremy Fox and JYI. All rights reserved.
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